Archive for the 'Security' Category

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Twitter Jumps the Shark?

I have removed the #IranElection Twitter feed from our right nav bar because it has become more a source of spam than interesting tidbits. Twitter is still an important resource, but given the credible reports of manipulation on both sides, it must be used with extreme caution and read alongside all other possible sources. The massive amount of spam cluttering up the conversation also means it now takes longer and longer to digest the feed.

I am very skeptical about the notions going around that Twitter is the essential tool for Iranians organizing on the ground. There are very few tweets in Persian, and it seems the Twitter story here is more about getting info out of Iran and influencing world opinion than it is about Iranians coordinating protests with each other.

In other tech developments, Google has rolled out a Persian machine translation engine. You can access it through http://google.com/translate. I gave it a quick spin this morning and would say it is miles behind Arabic MT, which itself is not great. Proceed with caution.

-WW

Iran: Significance of the Protests

My eyes are getting tired from staring at this news for too long but wanted to post one more. There is quite an interesting debate going on about the nature of the Mousvi movement and the base of support for the current protests in Iran. Rob at Arabic Media Shack sums up a debate between Juan Cole on the “elections clearly rigged” side and Andrew Exum, among others on the “Western media are elitist and underestimate Iranians’ true arch-conservatism” side. Rob came down on the Exum side, asking if we were wildly misreading Iran through the lens of Western journalists. For me, watching the videos of the Mousavi protests that came out today left little doubt that there is a fairly broad based mass movement on the Mousavi side, not just some pajama wearing twitter jockeys (spoken with love from someone who has been glued to the twits all day and not left the house). So what’s going on and how do we know these are significant? A few points:

  • Khamenei has already backed down and assented to an investigation into vote rigging. This is the day after he declared Ahmadinejad’s a “divine victory.” A huge climb down any way you look at it.
  • The government all day on state media had been announcing that the protests were not legal or had been cancelled. The protests ended up being enormous, to the point where the government resorted to gunfire to break them up. (Last I heard they were decamping to a Tajrish protest led by Karroubi)
  • The shots fired and casualties mean that there will be memorial services in 40 days for those killed tonight, thus lowering the chances that this will go away quietly
  • Coverage is bad outside Tehran, but I am seeing some Twitter reports of violent protests in other cities. This is a place where projects like Swift and Meedan have a lot of potential – filtering out the “reTweets” and organizing the information in a more usable way
  • We need to see how this plays out, but there is a major component of intra-elite competition and rivalry going on within the government. This is not just a mass movement of disaffected youth, but one that is tearing the Islamic Republic’s leaders apart. Witness the statements by Rafsanjani before the vote and after, the protests of several clerics, and also voting objections raised by former Revolutionary Guard commander and candidate Rezai — not exactly a narrow sliver of Iran’s political spectrum. The best roundup of these angles is in the Jim Muir’s snap analysis here. I agree with him and ISN’s Kamal Nazer Yasin that all eyes will now be on Qom for more clergy to announce where they stand.

This is a developing and explosive situation, and there is no telling how it will end up. At very least, it will mean a severe reshuffling of who the major Tehran power players are. I think, however, it goes far beyond the smaller bouts of unrest we have seen in the last ten years. The Obama Administration is doing well to express concern, but avoid getting to far into the fray.

Signing off for tonight but keep up to date with Cole, NIAC, CUMINet, Meedan, Sullivan, Uskowi, Ulrich.

-WW

Weekend Reading (and Listening)

Will Ward

I want to quickly flag three important resources that are all well worth a click.

  • Check out this talk and accompanying oped by Bryan Early, who is a fellow at the Harvard Belfer Center working on sanctions policy. Early’s research is on the dynamics of (mostly) American sanctions and the effects these have on the trade of sanctions target countries with third party states. The work is based on an econometric analysis of over a hundred cases and found, among other things, the counterintuitive result that an alliance between the sanctioning state and a third party state means that the third party state is more likely to engage in sanctions busting trade with the sanctioned state. Why? Think about the USA-Iran-UAE trade triangle. US sanctions on Iran create market distortions – pent up demand in Iran and supply in the US. These imbalances lead to hugely profitable opportunities in countries like the UAE, which for cultural, geographical and historical reasons already have good trade relations with Iran. To make its sanctions more effective, the US needs to put pressure on the UAE to stop this trade but this is unlikely to occur because a) profitable trade with Iran produces domestic groups in the UAE who stand to lose a great deal from sanctions enforcement, and b) if the US pushes too hard, it could jeopardize its security alliance with the UAE.
  • Anthony Cordesman has a new working paper (PDF) on the Gulf military balance and terrorism/ asymmetric threat scenarios. Probably the best open source military analysis out there. Thumbnail is that Iran has a head and shoulders advantage over the GCC states in small craft naval warfare, but is severely outgunned in airpower, and that the biggest security threats are low intensity/ terrorism / infrastructure attacks but that a conventional war is unlikely. Also highly recommend their March report (PDF) assessing Israel’s (not great) military options against Iran.
  • Gary Sick who runs the terrific Gulf/2000 listserv has a new public blog Gary’s Choices to post his expert commentary on Iran and US-Iran relations. Although I can’t seem to link to individual posts, be sure to check out his post from May 27 responding to the Leveretts’ NYT oped on Iran policy.

Iran lags in Arab Poll

Will Ward

In the new Arab Public Opinion Poll released yesterday Shibley Telhami’s team surveyed 4087 individuals across six Arab states and the numbers are not looking great for Iran. The incidence of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad being listed as a “most admired” foreign leader dropped from 2008. Respondents also were more likely to list Iran as a “threat” and support international pressure to curb its nuclear program.

leaders

In his talk, Marc Lynch hits it on the head in attributing this to the propaganda campaign in Egyptian and Saudi media that has gone into overdrive in the last year or two. I would only add that this campaign is not limited to state media, but has often carried over to religious figures like Qaradawi who have also helped turning up the anti-Iran/ anti-Shia rhetoric in recent months. The fact that Ahmadinejad’s year on year figures dropped more sharply with Egypt included (-7%) than with it excluded (-4%). should give pause to those who might worry about Iran attempting to gain influence in Cairo by supporting the Muslim Brotherhood.

I’d be fascinated to see polling data on some of the countries in the region with warmer relations with Iran – Oman, Syria, Iraq. But the holy grail would be some solid data on wider Arab attitudes towards Iran across the Sunni- Shi’a divide to better test the reams of ‘Shi’a crescent’ style punditry that puts sectarian indentification in the analytic drivers seat.

The above image is taken from the slides presented at the Brookings event. You can download them here (PDF), and watch the video recap here.

U.S. Military Pushing for Gulf Detente?

NIAC’s excellent blog reported yestetrday that U.S. representatives Conyers and Davis have introduced a sense of the House bill calling for the negotiation of an incidents at sea agreement with Iran. The full text of the resolution is here, but the jist is that the absence of military protocols for navigating Hormuz makes incidents like the 2008 Iranian harassment of a U.S. warship much more likely, and that without agreements in place or communication channels to resolve disputes, such an incident could easily escalate into a wider conflict. A key clause of the resolution frames the naval protocol as a step that can be taken even without a U.S.-Iran diplomatic reconciliation:

Whereas the absence of diplomatic relations between the United States and Iran need not be an obstacle to direct, military to military talks on procedural issues involving the safety of naval personnel and assets;

This comes on the heels of comments by General Petraeus that seemed to downplay concerns over Iranian aggressiveness in the Gulf and echoed concerns about unintended conflicts. An excerpt from the Bloomberg story:

“I don’t think we have any concerns about disruption to the navigation” in the Gulf, Army General David Petraeus said in an interview. “Certainly nothing from Iran.”

Iran’s naval forces have been quiet in the 15 months since U.S. officials say they challenged three U.S. Navy warships briefly in international waters in the Strait of Hormuz. Five Iranian “fast boats” in January 2008 confronted the vessels in the 33-mile-wide waterway between Iran and Oman at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, which is the sea route for almost a quarter of the world’s daily supply of oil.

Tensions at that time “were approaching the point where a miscalculation could result in something fairly serious, and I think everyone took a deep breath and stepped back from the ledge,” Petraeus said.

“We are still not sure whether that was sort of a rogue, small-boat operator getting a little bit feisty or what that was,’ ‘ he said, referring to the 2008 incident. “That has indeed calmed down. We’ve done a large number of transits with big-decked ships and they haven’t been impeded in any way.”

Before his departure at the tail end of the Bush Adminstration, Admiral Fallon had been one of the loudest voices calling for a naval agreement that could help reduce tensions in one of the world’s key strategic points. The resolution introduced yesterday cites support from DOD officials, that, taken with Petraeus’ comments, seem to point to an emerging consensus in the U.S. military on such a common sense step.

Washington Meets Tehran on al-Jazeera

Juan Cole links to the latest episode of Inside Iraq on al-Jazeera English (parts one and two are embedded below). The show features Richard Schmierer, a fairly high-ranking US diplomat, appearing opposite Seyed Mohammad Marandi, head of North American Studies at University of Tehran. Marandi is not an Iranian official but does express views that are fairly mainstream within the Iranian establishment. Under the previous American administration, officials rarely appeared on al-Jazeera, much less alongside guests supportive of Iranian government positions. Could this be evidence of a new Obama approach to engaging regional media?

Arabs Want in on US-Iran Talks

Here’s an excerpt from an important story from Gulf News that has been making the rounds in regional media:

Arabs must be kept in the loop about Iran, Arab League chief Amr Mousa said after a gathering of Arab foreign ministers in Cairo on Tuesday.

“I demand that no foreign [power] talks to Iran without Arabs being aware of it and having a role in the process,” Mousa said, in a direct reference to the latest US overtures towards Iran, which has been a subject of deep concern for Arab countries, especially the GCC states.

In an attempt to ease these concerns, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton assured the gathering of Arab foreign ministers that GCC states would be involved in any process of reconciliation with Iran….

Prince Saud Al Faisal of Saudi Arabia recently declared that non-Arab countries should not interfere in Iraq, Lebanon or the Palestinian territories. He also called on a unified Arab position in dealing with Gulf security in light of a nuclear Iran. GCC states have a growing list of grievances towards the Persian country, such as Iranian claims to three UAE islands and Bahrain. It has been requested that these grievances be discussed at the next Arab League meeting.

The Asr-e Iran news website, which often runs slightly altered translations of English or Arabic media, had an amusing headline in their Persian adaptation:

“Arab League: Don’t talk to Iran without us; Hillary: Okay!”

An Iranian Editor Responds to the Bahrain Tussle

The following article was published on 23 February on the Persian and Arabic sections of the Asr-e Iran news analysis website. Attributed to the site’s editor-in-chief, Jafar Mohammadi, it provides a fascinating glimpse into the Iranian perspective on the ongoing diplomatic row with Bahrain. Our translation of selected excerpts is below.

A response to the latest controversy from Arab leaders and their media: Don’t make claims on Iranian land lest you be faced with counter-claims

Asr-e Iran: The latest Arab recriminations against Iran on the Bahrain issue are the principal reason for writing this short essay that was published on both the Persian and Arabic sections of the site.

Three things can be said regarding the small state of Bahrain:

1. Denying history

It is a historical reality that, at one time, the island of Bahrain was a part of Iranian territory, the southernmost part of Iran. This is an issued that history has settled. Yet at the same time, it is possible to feign ignorance and ignore history; one might pretend that Bahrain, over the last 40-50 years, came into existence by rising up from under the sea!

2. Accepting history while rejecting the status quo

In a different view, it is possible to accept historical reality while resisting the current situation, thus saying that it is correct that Bahrain, as an independent nation, is a member of the international community,yet there was once a time when it was part of Iranian territory, and must once again re-join its motherland. It is clear that this viewpoint is not consistent with twenty-first century realism.

3. Accepting history and the status quo

Thus, we acknowledge Bahrain’s Iranian past, yet we now also officially recognize its independence, a position that both conforms to historical reality and takes the current situation into account. Continue reading ‘An Iranian Editor Responds to the Bahrain Tussle’

More on the Iran-Bahrain Flap

I couldn’t resist posting this video that I found on Iranian.com. It is footage from 1971 of Mohsen Pezeshkpour, leader of the ultra-nationalist Pan Iranist Party, railing against the Shah’s decision to separate Bahrain from Iran in a deal with the British. The party is now largely defunct, but its expansive Iranian nationalist sentiments live on in the Islamic Republic through words of people like Hossein Shariatmadari of Kayhan and now Ali Akbar Nateq-Nuri, former Majlis speaker and member of the Expediency Council.

But while these ideas live on in a minority, comparing 1971 with today shows how much the regional power balance has shifted. In the 70s the Shah was riding high on oil wealth and arming himself to the teeth with American weapons. The Shah’s main concern in the Gulf was Saddam Husein, and today’s Bahrain and UAE were political nonentities with no geopolitical heft to speak of. It was not surprising, then, to see the likes of Pezeshkpour allowed to air their extreme views with impunity on the floor of Parliament.

Iran’s furious backpeddling and attempts at damage control after the current incident are a stark reminder of how Gulf Arab states are in a relatively better position economically and politically vis a vis Iran than they were under the Shah. Clearly Iran does not wish to further galvanize the GCC against it and endanger its lucrative gas deal for the sake of a few ill-concieved and unrealistic nationalistic statements. At a time when the Gulf Arab states spare no opportunity to sound the alarm about Iran’s “hegemonic aspirations,” perhaps this is a reminder that their position isn’t quite so precarious after all.

Khatami in, Saudis Skeptical

Yesterday Mohammad Khatami officially declared he would run in the June presidential elections. Thanks to Marc Lynch who flagged an important article from a regular columnist in Asharq al-Awsat, a newspaper that while not official, has ties to the more ‘liberal’ wing of the Al Saud. For a bit more on the newspaper and its track record of supporting the Saudi line, check out Andrew Hammond’s article in Arab Media & Society (shameless plug alert) from fall of 2007. Below is my translation of the article (with a few less important parts omitted):

We don’t want Khatami to win the presidency
by Abd al-Rahman al-Rashed

There is a sense of enthusiasm and cautious optimism since former Iranian president Muhammad Khatami announced that he would run in the Iranian presidential elections. For many, Khatami represents a peace-loving moderate Iranian political model following a long series of conflict-seeking leaders. This is correct, yet to stake anything on Khatami is a mistake, not because of the reformist leader himself, but because of the Iranian power structure. Indeed, the system is composed such that it doesn’t permit a popular but politically weak president like Khatami to steer Iranian politics in a way he sees fit. The proof of this is his previous presidency [1997-2005] in which he suffered serious, humiliating setbacks at the hands of extremist elements within the system. This included the closure of newspapers and magazines affiliated with him, barring candidates from this faction from running, and harassment of his staff – to the point where he was marginalized and left the presidency without achieving anything important that he had promised the Iranian people and was elected to do.

As for the current president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, he truly belongs to the ruling regime; he belongs to the Revolutionary Guard which has become more powerful than at any time in the past, and more involved in domestic and foreign affairs. He is closer to the ruler who wields true power – the supreme leader Sayed Ali Khamenei. It is thus better to keep Ahmadinejad in power than to hope for a president like Khatami….
And while Islamist reformers might still be the preferable choice for winning the election, if they win, this still would not be cause for much celebration because they will be doves without wings. If there is to be a real agreement (or not) it must be with the true holders of power.